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Disinformation can reinforce polarization in society

The polarizing effects of disinformation endure even when faced with a powerful external shock
Illustration of a hand holding a smartphone with a data visualisation of a social bubble behind it.
Image: Matti Ahlgren/Aalto University

With over four billion people eligible to vote in elections, 2024 is the largest election year ever. At the same time, disinformation and polarization on social media pose unprecedented challenges to the democratic process. New research from Aalto University and the University of Helsinki investigated how real-world shocks affect online discussions, using the Ukraine war and Finland鈥檚 NATO accession to understand how disinformation reinforces polarization.

鈥楾he potential for democratic political participation in the world is greater than ever,鈥 says Tuomas Yl盲-Anttila, associate professor of political science at the University of Helsinki. 鈥楢t the same time, the deliberate use of disinformation by those who want to disturb democratic processes and generate polarization poses a threat to democracy and societal stability. This threat is now recognized widely, not just by political scientists but also organizations like the World Economic Forum.鈥

The research was a case study of how Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine affected discussions on NATO in the Finnish Twitter space immediately afterward. Finnish public opinion had long been split about joining NATO, with only around 20-30 percent in favour of joining the alliance. The Russian invasion led to a rapid convergence in favour of joining, which eventually led to Finland applying for membership. NATO and Russia are major themes in the campaigns for the Finnish presidential election, which will be held later this month.

The Russian invasion quickly depolarized NATO discussions in Finland but was unable to break a social bubble built on disinformation and conspiracy theories. These findings hold lessons for how disinformation will affect political campaigns elsewhere in today鈥檚 rapidly changing world.

鈥楤y analysing retweeting patterns, we found three separate user groups before the invasion: a pro-NATO group, a left-wing anti-NATO group, and a conspiracy-charged anti-NATO group,鈥 says Yan Xia, a doctoral researcher at Aalto and lead author of the study. 鈥楢fter the invasion, the left-wing anti-NATO group members broke out of their retweeting bubble and connected with the pro-NATO group despite their difference in partisanship, while the conspiracy-charged anti-NATO group mostly remained a separate cluster.鈥 

The research revealed that the left-wing anti-NATO group and the pro-NATO group were bridged by a shared condemnation of Russia鈥檚 actions and shared democratic norms. The other anti-NATO group, mainly built around conspiracy theories and disinformation, consistently demonstrated a clear anti-NATO attitude. 

Disinformation persists even under threat

鈥楢n external threat can bridge partisan divides, but bubbles upheld by conspiracy theories and disinformation may persist even under dramatic external threats,鈥 says Yl盲-Anttila.鈥楾he continuity of these bubbles is likely explained by the notion that people within disinformation bubbles have limited communication with others outside their bubble, which tends to reinforce their prior beliefs.鈥

According to Yl盲-Anttila, this effect is not limited to Finnish NATO discussions. 

鈥楶eople who have strong, non-mainstream opinions are often more likely to hold on to their beliefs. They鈥檙e more prone to confirmation bias, meaning that they鈥檙e more likely to disregard information that is contrary to their own beliefs,鈥 says Yl盲-Anttila. 

鈥楩or democratic decision-making, it鈥檚 essential to note that these disinformation bubbles are a part of our political reality and various actors that benefit from them 鈥 such as the Kremlin propaganda machine 鈥 will most likely try to exploit them.鈥

Data visualisation of retweet networks before and after the Russian invasion. Left-wing anti-Nato group in pink is more scattered and closer to the pro-Nato user group after the invasion, whereas the conspiracy anti-Nato user group is still visible as a separate cluster.
Retweet networks before and after the Russian invasion show how the discussion was depolarized, but also how the cluster built on disinformation endured despite the invasion. Image: Yan Xia & Marianne Lenoir, Aalto University

How did the researchers measure users鈥 opinions of NATO and social bubbles?

The research team consisted of network scientists from Aalto University and political scientists from the University of Helsinki. While network analysis can reveal the structure of user interactions and how it changes over time, analysing the content uncovers how the discussion climate evolves and what arguments connect or distinguish opposing sides. Combining research methods and expertise from computer science and social science offers a more holistic view of the discussions and dynamics on social media.

鈥楴etwork science methods enable us to measure structural polarization in these discussions and automate the search for different bubbles and other structures,鈥 says Mikko Kivel盲, assistant professor at Aalto University. 鈥業n comparison to surveys, our methods are especially interesting because we can follow all of these discussions accurately after they have happened. In this research project, we were able to study and compare the discussions right before and right after the Russian invasion. We鈥檙e able to directly follow public discourse and the political elites that engage in it online.鈥

The research article was in the European Physical Journal Data Science.

Research article: Xia, Y., Gronow, A., Malkam盲ki, A. et al. The Russian invasion of Ukraine selectively depolarized the Finnish NATO discussion on Twitter. EPJ Data Sci. 13, 1 (2024).  

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